Tag-Archiv für 'protest'

Rights and Safety for Refugees! In Memory of Khaled

They don’t really care about us –
Khaled Idris Bahray is dead


On the morning of January 13, 2015 the refugee Kahlid Idris Bahdray (†20) was found dead in the inner yard of his appartment in Leubnitz-Neuostra, Dresden. Contrary to the first police statements, it is now certain, that Khaled was killed with several knife stabs. A racist motive cannot be ruled out at this point of time. Khaled was from Eritrea and had only been in Dresden for a few weeks. His friends are shocked and want to knwo why he was murdered. However, they also want to know why they are not safe here – in Dresden. Because of this we are meeting this Saturday to take the streets collectively. We are meeting to loudly take his friends’ questions and demands into the streets.

Why Khaled was murdered?

We still don’t know. No one knows. The normal reaction to these situations is to exclude the possibility of homicide with a racist background. Why? – The case of the homicides perpretated by the terrorist organisation National Social Underground and the murder of Oury Jalloh show exactly why. The facts of this case and reports of it from part of Khaled’s friends are clearly a prove that refugees are being threatened here. They are afraid. And they do have the right to be afraid. This fear itself is a strong motivation for going out to the streets and to protest against racism.

The Dresden police have started their investigations by fully misjudging the situation. Although Khaled’s body was found covered in blood, the police immediately excluded the possibility of an act of violence. It is a clear failure of the police department to exclude one possible cause of death before any investigation. Later and through pressure of the media and the public the homicide division took over. It has become clear: Khaled was stabbed to death. However, the initial errors have delayed the preservation of evidence for 30 hours. This is not the first time for Dresden police to delay and obstruct investigations; this became clear in the murder case of Jorge Gomondai in 1991. Therefore, we demand the thorough solution of the murder. We will keep on critically observing the investigations.

Racism yesterday and today

Against the background of a revival of nationalism (“Wir sind ein Volk/ We are one people”) and of a political und legal vacuum in Eastern Germany since 1991 racist attacks increased all over Germany, which incredibly peaked in the pogroms in Hoyerswerda, Rostock and the murders in Mölln and Solingen. The result is a far-reaching hegemony of everyday racism in the east German society. With the abolition of the basic right of asylum, which was justified by the pogroms, the racists of majority society got what they wanted and were in victory mood.

The development of this situation pulls us through what we’re living nowadays. In opposition to other german cities, Dresden has really a few migrants. According to the concept of integration for foreigners in Dresden “most of the migrants don’t come in and go out from the eastern states of Germany voluntarely, and they leave them as soon as their residence permit allows them to”. This quote proves that something must be wrong.

We are living in a city, where refugees and migrants are attacked daily in the streets, where arson attacks are committed against restaurants of migrants regularly, where Marwa El-Sherbini was stabbed to death in the courtroom because of her muslim background. The racist atmosphere is in the air of Dresden. PEGIDA is the manifestation of a racism of societal center. This makes possible, that the citizens of Dresden-Laubegast prevent a hotel from becoming an asylumseekers accommodation with a collection of signatures and threats; or that young migrants are attacked on december 22 2014 after the PEGIDA demonstration with applause, with pepper spray, tasers and telescope batons.

Inhuman comments in social media like “One less” speak for themselves.

How does it feel to be a refugee in Dresden?

We would love to get to know our neighbors better as well as the people in our daily environment. We would enjoy to share our cultures, but unfortunetaly we find it hard to get in contact. We find it especially depressing that the people in our environment seem to show no interest in us at all. On the contrary: we are treated with hostility. Every day we experience exclusion. We live with the possibility of verbal and physical attacks. In the supermarket, in the streets and in the tram. People even leave their seats when we sit down next to them – only because of our origin.

The migrants do not understand the insults in German they are confronted with. However, it is much worse that we do not understand the threats. If someone comes to you and says: “I’m gonna kill you” – how are we supposed to understand this?

They have experienced recent monday evenings as the most frightening. After the PEGIDA-demonstrations small racist groups roam the city on manhunts. After 8 pm we are scared to leave our appartments. They told us to only move in groups, anything else would be too dangerous. But everyone should be able to move freely. We find this alarming. We came to Germany to leave violence, war, poverty and persecution behind. Our parents were happy for us having fled those circumstances. We thought to have left all of this behind us, we thought we could live freely from now on. Why can we not win peace at last? Why does nobody want to know about the reason of our flight? Why is it so hard to make friends?

Most of the people in Dresden have bad sight on refugees. They take actions against refugees like throwing bottles to the head or showing the middle finger. And at the date of 12/01/2015 the very shameful action has happened to young Eritrean Khaled Idris. He has left us. During this time all refugees were afraid and stressed. So as refugees we need solutions for our safety. We also want to make the following demands:

1. We need to know what have happened to Khaled and want to bring the murderer taken to higher court
2. We don’t feel secure to live in Dresden because many Eritreans got some actions or problems in their way. We have a language problem. So we need a translator to connect with us and translate between German and Tigrinya
3. Some part of society in Dresden does not accept refugees to live here and demonstrates against refugees every Monday evening. If they don’t accept us well we need to move to a place where we are secure.

We stand behind the Eritrean community and behind all people who are affected by the racist atmosphere in Dresden. We demand the politicians to finally ensure the refugees’ safety. We demand the Minister of the Interior, Markus Ulbig, to resign because he is not performing his duties. And, most of all, we ask the society of Dresden to take a stand against PEGIDA on mondays. We ask the associations, institutions, companies and people to finally fly the flag. Few might be affected, many are meant. PEGIDA concerns all of us! We want to stop the right to asylum being cut down by the debate on “safe countries of origin”. Instead we demand the creation of a safe exile!

Save exile instead of “safe country of origin”!

Greetings to all antiracist and antifascist demonstrations happening today as well!

More information can be found here.

The Campaign of 28th of September and an overview about the abortions Laws in Latin America and Caribbean Region

The text has been taken from the following Blog and can be read in [Portugues] there.

28th of September – The Latin-American and Caribbean Day for the Decriminalization of Abortion.

During the 5th Latin American and Caribbean Feminist Meeting, in 1990, the feminist movements declared the 28th of September as the Latin American and Caribbean Day for the Decriminalization of Abortion. They considered the complications which resulted by the illegal and clandestine abortion processes to be the first cause of women’s death in most countries.

In the region, the date is celebrated with demonstrations, walks, acts and workshops in order to educate the Latin American and Caribbean society about the high female mortality caused by unsafe and illegal abortions, to discuss the control over the female body, questioning laws, promoting debates, creating political alliances and plotting strategies for action.

This year, the campaign will take place in several countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. We want to show a panorama of the abortions laws in the region based on the bulletin “Situation of abortion in Latin America and the Caribbean” published by the 28th of September Campaign, the main obstacles faced by the Feminist Movements in the region, and current facts which add new aspects in the process.

The main obstacles for the Abortion Legalization in Latin America and Caribbean

The main opposition to the advance of the reproductive rights in Latin America and the Caribbean is found in the religious fundamentalist sector. This sector represents a huge obstacle to the democratic process and to the elaboration of public policies to promote gender equality.

The conservative religious movements base their claims on the protection of the „natural family“ and the preservation of the traditional role of women* within society through interfering in their sexual and reproductive rights. This religious sector is represented by churches and civil organisations which try to implement religious agendas.

The historical influence of the Catholic Church and the most recent influence of the Evangelical Churches in the Latin American and Caribbean political systems result in the translations of religious ideas in laws and public policies that configure among the most restrictive in the world.

One example for the constant attempt of the Church to interfere in the political systems of the region are the efforts during the Constitutional Conventions in Brazil (1988), in Colombia (1991) and in Argentina (1994), in which the Catholic Church tried to establish the idea of life beginning at the moment of conception in the constitution.
Another example are the members of the fundamentalist religious movement who act inside of the state. Some of them hold formal positions within the government and continue to propose laws, like „the Statute of the Unborn“ presented in Brazil (2007), which tries to give absolute priority to the fetus over the mother in any medical decision at the expense of women and their bodies. The statute proposes to ban abortion in every situation.

One peculiarity of the Feminist Movement in Latin American and Caribbean is the strong emphasis in the secularization since the region is still dominated by a strong influence of the Church in the State. The claim for the secularization of the State was relatively out of the political discussions since the end of the dictatorship times and during the re-democratization process, but it mightily came back into discussion thanks to the Feminist Movements. The agenda of the Feminist Movements in the region started to attack the interference of the Church in the State threatening the power of religious fundamentalists groups. The result was that the question on abortion became a central topic in the dispute over the secularity of these States. Thus, the struggle for secularization and the decriminalization of abortion go together in the „young democracies“ of Latin America and Caribbean.

An overview about the abortions Laws in some countries of Latin America and Caribbean

In 2012 Uruguay decriminalized the abortion without restrictions until the 12th week joining Cuba (where the abortion is legalized without restrictions until the 10th week since 1965), Guyana, Puerto Rico and Mexico City. Not coincidently, Mexico and Uruguay are among the most secular countries in Latin America.

In 2007, due to efforts of GIRE (Information Group of Elected Reproduction, Mexico) the Legislative Assembly of Mexico City approved a reform legalizing the abortion without restrictions until the 12th week of pregnancy. However, as Mexico is the only Latin American country were the criminal codes and health laws are determine locally, the legalization did not yet spread to other Mexican states. Instead, after the legalization in Mexico City, 13 mexican states created new amendments to the existing legislation to define the beginning of life at the moment of conception.

In Brasil, in 2004, ANIS (Institute for Bioethics, Human Rights and Gender) filled a legal action to the Brazilian Supreme Court which led to the legalization of the abortion in cases of fetal anencephaly approved in 2012. In March 2013, the Brazilian Medical Council suggested to the National Congress to include in the new Criminal Code, which is being discussed by the brazilian society, the legalization of abortion without restriction until the 12th week. The suggestion has been intensely criticized by the religious sector which used its influence in politics to support the extreme counter proposal called „the Statute of the Unborn“.

In Ecuador, abortion is legal in cases of risk to the woman’s life or rape of mentally disabled women (the basic idea seems to be that mentally healthy women are not raped!) Last year, 2013, the Politician Paola Pablón presented a reform to include the right of abortion to all women victims of rape. The action was reason enough for the president Rafael Correa, who describes himself as a catholic, to declare the act as a „treachery and disloyalty“ and threaten to resign. The result was the retreat of the law by Pablón and protests by the Ecuadorian feminist movements.

Central America and Caribbean are the most restricted places. Seven countries forbid abortion entirely: Chile, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Dominican Republic, Haiti and Suriname. The article 128 of the Penal Code in Honduras punishes with three to six years of prison women who induce abortion and in 2009 the congress banned emergency contraception. The new penal code of Nicaragua (2008) determines the imprisonment of women who induce abortions and also health professionals who assist them, banning a law which made abortion legal in order to preserve the woman’s life or in cases of rape for almost 100 years. In Haiti the legislation is the same since 1876 and punishes with imprisonment women and those who have assisted them. In El Salvador, a reform done in 1987 penalizes the abortion with two to eight years of prison. This month, Amnesty International warned El Salvador’s government about the situation of control and repression over the salvadoran women.

El Savador

In Chile the abortion is penalized in all cases, a heritage of Pinochet’s dictatorship. The abortion laws are inside the clauses: „Crimes committed against the familiar order and public morality“ and are considered one of the most restricted in the World. This month, the UN has recommended to Chilean government the legalization of abortion to women under 18 years. Michelle Bachelet, the new president of Chile since March 2014, pronounced herself favorable to the therapeutic abortion in Chile and promised a decision for the last months of 2014.

Some conclusions

The panorama of abortion in Latin America and the Caribbean is far from respecting the sexual and reproductive rights of women and providing gender equality. Despite the advances in the legislation in several countries, religious fundamentalism grows and permeates the Latin American political scene signing pacts with governments and hindering the secularization of the States of the region. Both the right and the so-called left goverments, submit themselves to religious pressure and make pacts with these groups in an attempt to get more votes from a largely religious population. Religion continues to use its mass of followers to impose itself on the State and legislate on the lives of Latin American and Caribbean peoples. The struggle to legalize the abortion is emblematic for two reasons:(1) it questions the huge influence of the Church in the Latin American and Caribbean States and strengthens the claim for a Secular State. (2) it changes the panorama of forced poverty, violence and discrimination offering families the opportunity to plan, emancipating women and giving them back the right over their bodies, which for so long has been denied.

Given the state of poverty of most Latin American and Caribbean countries added to its colonial history and the process of destruction of their multiculturalism, the religious and state domination over women’s bodies sets the continuity of the violence that began with the domination and genocide of native people and is perpetuated by controlling the reproductive rights of women. The control of reproductive rights translates into control over the fate and freedom of the Latin American and Caribbean people keeping them on poverty, on a world of violence, discrimination and racism and rigid state control over their bodies.

Abtreibungsrechte Weltweit

1000 Crosses – March of Anti-Abortion Acitivsts

29th of September. Berlin.
Another march of anti-abortion activist will take place.
Protest against it is themed „Marsch für das Leben [Pro Life March]? What the fuck“. At this presentation you will get more information about the event and a joint travel to Berlin could be planed as well.

When: September 10th; 8pm
Where: AZ Conni

Refugees Women on Action Tour across Gernany

We like to share this call to an „Action tour across Germany“ from Women in Exile

Refugee women get loud!

Dangerous journeys, pushed around all over Europe, housed in collective homes which are often far away from any infrastructure, vouchers, work ban, a daily fight for adequate medical care, permanent fear of being deported … and in addition sexism, as each woman experiences on top of that … we refugee women have every reason to get loud and to demand a life in human dignity.
We invite all refugee women to get loud together with us!
In summer 2014, we want to participate, along with other refugee women, in a project of the musician Heinz Ratz and his band Strom & Wasser: On rafts we will travel on rivers and canals, from July 14th to August 27th, from Nuremberg to Berlin. This will be a floating demonstration to draw attention to the situation of refugee women and children, and to loudly voice our demands in public. In addition there will be a general programme in the refugee camps, where we will want to get in touch with refugee women and talk with them about their needs and problems and invite them to attend the evening concerts of “Strom and Water featuring The Refugee Women”. Then these evening concerts will become an encounter between the German audience and refugee women. You can find the dates of the tour at: http://women-in-exile.net/termine/ We want to use this tour together with you to network with refugee women, other refugee organisations and to talk with refugee women all over Germany. We will report on our experiences during the trip on a web blog. That way we will document the situation of refugee women in Germany and make public our and your demands and your and our resistance.
If you want to participate on the float trip, please contact us! Please let us know beforehand to enable us to plan!


To fund this campaing, Women in Exile are asking for help. You can support the action tour with an online donation or quite traditional via bank transfer:
Women in Exile e.V.
IBAN: DE21430609671152135400


‚Smashing‘, speech on 08 May about Trümmerfrauen in Dresden


The following speech was given at a demonstration in Dresden called ’08 May 1945 Victory in Europe Day (lit. day of liberation) – a day to celebrate‘.

Talking about victim myths and historical revisionism generally becomes slowly established in leftist circles around Dresden.

‘Still very little acknowledgement for their achievements receive, however, Dresden’s “Trümmerfrauen”1’, argues the Frauenstadtarchiv (or ‘Women’s City Archive’). We agree with this, but for very different reasons:

In Germany, the so-called Trümmerfrauen cleared bombed towns from 1945 and into the 50s, and sometimes into the 60s. They removed rubble, demolished remaining ruins, and recycled bricks for rebuilding work. And they rebuilt ‘everything‘: apartment buildings, factories, schools, etc.. Since their physical work was hard, women’s health and safety measures were partially lifted in 1946. As paid workers they were divided into Bauhilfsarbeiterin (builder’s labourers), Trümmerarbeiterin (rubble worker) or Arbeiterin für Enträumungsarbeiten (clearing worker). But there were also unpaid volunteers.

On the worksites, these women*2 weren‘t on their own: Also involved were (German and Allied) professionals, prisoners of war, and former Nazi men* (on orders of the Allies).

The now-defunct right-wing nationalist website truemmerfrauen.de gets the heart of the powerful image of the Trümmerfrau. Along the lines of ‚Others destroyed our homeland, they rebuilt it bare-handedly‘, it states:

’08 May 1945, Germany, completely in ruins. A desert of 500 million cubic metres of rubble and ash. Experts calculated that it would take 30 years to clear the destruction. The experts were mistaken, because they failed to reckon with the women of our country. Even on the first day after the war, they begin work. With an unprecedented personal effort, they did what no one deemed possible. By the time their husbands and sons returned from war captivity, they had already thoroughly cleared up our country. The reconstruction begins and the world is astonished. As Trümmerfrauen, they left a memorial to themselves and to all women of our country.‘

The image of strong German women*, who sacrificed themselves for the country’s reconstruction under cost of great deprivations, worked and still works well for the German way of coming to terms with the past.

After 1945, the blame for the Holocaust and National Socialism was assigned to only a few people. Hitler did it – and maybe Göring and Himmler, too. The majority of ‚common people‘ was therefore able to shirk responsibility and to block out their own guilt.

German Feminism of the 1970s and 80s established a female* version of defence against guilt that is effective to this day: it was only the men involved. In discussions about women’s complicity, it was argued that women were complicit and did contribute, but really only because the patriarchy compelled them into it, so to speak.
Post-war feminists had to ignore that hierarchies between the genders lost precedence in the face of the potency of the ‚Aryan‘ Volksgemeinschaft during National Socialism. In relation to their unity against a shared ‚enemy‘ and esp. against Jews, ‚Aryan‘ women* were equal to men*. They weren‘t merely ‚birthing machines‘.

Their motherhood was highly praised, their work in the household and in the education of children increasingly recognised. The 1938 introduced Mother’s Cross underlines the NSDAP’s efforts in revaluing those ‚Women’s* work‘. ‚On its smallest scale, the struggle against the inner enemy, the undeutsche Geist (un-German spirit), fought‘ in the domestic sphere – said women leader Irene Seydel.3

Women* under National Socialism weren‘t simply timid little housewives, nor were they silent and passive supporters of their husbands. As concentration camp guards, leaders of the League of German Girls, munition workers or informers, women* participated no less enthusiastically than men* in the exclusion and extermination of millions of people. In doing so, the women* of Germany were their male* colleagues‘ equals in every way.

The increase in female* employment after 1933 also undermines the image of the oppressed housewife. One reason was the professionalization of former house chores, but conscription also swiftly removed large sections of the male* population from the workforce. Women’s* occupations were increasingly appreciated, as every member of the Volksgemeinschaft was seen as vital to the community’s continued successful and optimised existence. Then as now, groups – e.g. women* – emancipate(d) themselves precisely when they were needed as war or crisis managers.

The involvement and responsibility of German women* for the atrocities of National Socialism hardly seems to fit in with the image of the Trümmerfrau, which depicted her as a bare-handed woman* who suffered with no burden of responsibility. After all, she didn‘t start the war. She only worries about the children and about the food for the next day. How is it her fault? It’s unfair. But she toughs it out – she’s strong, she’s heroic, she’s selfless. For all of us.

It’s a good thing that women* are so strong and able to bear so much misery. ‚As tough as leather.‘
This readiness to make sacrifices is still honoured with ceremonies, exhibitions and the installation of memorials (such as the one in front of Dresden’s town hall) in honour of the Trümmerfrauen. Moreover, awards and medals were given: in the GDR, the ‚Activist of the Hour‘; in the FRG, the Federal Cross of Honour. The ‚oak planter‘ (Eichenpflanzerin) on the old 50 pfennig piece shouldn‘t be forgotten either.

Various groups of Nazis think that the Trümmerfrauen deserve even more honour. But they‘re not alone in their opinion:
The fringe party ‚Grey Panthers‘, which targets pensioners in particular, has supported Trümmerfrauen since the 80s.
Dresden’s Frauenstadtarchiv has also organised an annual Trümmerfrauen meeting since 2006. The date was ‘deliberately chosen’: the 8th of May, V-E Day! This year, it was postponed to the 23 May – up to now, we couldn‘t find out why. Those discussions of Trümmerfrauen in Dresden’s culture of remembrance involve co-operation with the city archives, Dresden’s equal opportunity commissioner, Dresden’s centre for women’s education called ‘help for self-help’ (lit) and also with schools.
In 2006, the Frauenstadtarchiv also published a brochure4 which is based on interviews with Trümmerfrauen and archive material and whose ‚main aim‘ is to ‚thank all women, who saw the end of the war and its awful consequences as a beginning and not as an end‘ – ‚this generation of women, without whom Dresden after 1945 would have become less rapidly what it is again today – if at all – a new cultural capital known as the ‘Florence of the Elbe’.6

The brochure constantly mourns the ‚downfall of the once Saxon residence‘ Dresden, which is described as a ’symbol of [this] pointless destruction.‘ It talks about an ‚apocalyptical storm of fire‘ with a ‚hungry maw‘ – without even mentioning a German responsibility for the war and destruction. For ‚the longing for peace was also what motivated thousands of women to rebuilt Dresden.‘7 And it’s this longing for peace which seems to make today’s discussions and critical reappraisal of history impossible.
Moreover it says: ‚Most young women and mothers associated the end of the war with the remembrance of the hurtful loss of theirs husbands, fathers, brothers and sons, who became victims of the Nazi-German warfare which trampled over the international law.‘9 Here, even the German soldiers are victims – namely of the warfare.
The 27-paged pamphlet also gives voice to some of the women’s first-hand experiences (the so-called Erlebnisgeneration). Charlotte W. for example complains: ‚For me, it was work of punishment for my family, because my brothers was in the party, in the Nazi-party. My brother was a simple member, because he wanted to study. That’s the way it was. It was kin liability.‘5
If interested, you can read more strokes of fate on your own.

For several years, the working-group of social-democratic women (Arbeitsgemeinschaft Sozialdemokratischer Frauen) also holds a rally on Women’s Day. At which location, you may ask? The Trümmerfrauen memorial. ‚In addition to the honouring of Trümmerfrauen with flowers at the memorial, we want to bring everything that women do and want to do today to mind.‘8 (chairwoman Dorothee Marth 2010)

So much for Dresden.

Last December, two members of the Green Party in Munich took the consequence and covered the local Trümmerfrauen memorial with a brown cloth. The cloth read ‚Memorials for the right ones, not for Old Nazis‘. As a result, a shitstorm broke out, including death threats. In regard to their arguments, Nazis, other right-wing women* and men*, and friends of peace and reconciliation worked hand in hand – they only lacked a human chain or a Monday demonstration.

There is currently no public discussion of Trümmerfrauen or the complicity of women* in Dresden under Nazism. It doesn‘t have to stay that way. Maybe someone sees this as an impulse:
Trümmerfrauen attributed to a fast rebuilding of Germany. The only question is, why this is supposed to be great. In general, no one should have to ruin their spine by crushing stones – for Germany or any other idea. Whoever had to do it on orders of the Allies should be grateful that they didn‘t have it worse.
We can‘t blame each and every Trümmerfrau for having been a Nazi or having supported their ideas. But since this is the case for nearly all Germans, there’s absolutely no reason to believe that it was different for Trümmerfrauen. That they opposed the ideas of National Socialism is the absurd assumption.
German women* were in general neither any less at fault nor less responsible than any other member of the Volksgemeinschaft. The Volk didn‘t stop existing on 08/05/1945. Whenever ‚We are the Volk‘ is shouted on today’s Monday and Saturday demonstrations, it has to be taken seriously.

Antisemitic, anti-romanyist, racist, social-Darwinist and völkisch tendencies have to be fought against.

On 08/05/1945, only military intervention helped. What has to be done from a feminist and critical perspective today, that’s what needs to be discussed.

No peace for the Volk.

  1. http://www.frauenstadtarchiv.de/ [zurück]
  2. 2Even though we recognise categories of gender as constructions, the binary gender system and its ‚natural‘ attributes is a social reality that confronts us ever so often. For this reason, we use the term ‚women‘, but we mark it with an appendix. [zurück]
  3. Radonic http://jungle-world.com/artikel/2006/21/17545.html [zurück]
  4. http://www.frauenstadtarchiv.de/fsa-dresden_broschuere-truemmerfrauen.pdf [zurück]
  5. http://www.frauenstadtarchiv.de/fsa-dresden_broschuere-truemmerfrauen.pdf [zurück]
  6. http://www.frauenstadtarchiv.de/fsa-dresden_broschuere-truemmerfrauen.pdf [zurück]
  7. http://www.frauenstadtarchiv.de/fsa-dresden_broschuere-truemmerfrauen.pdf [zurück]
  8. http://www.spd-frauen-dresden.de/index.php?mod=content&menu=90401&page_id=2074 [zurück]
  9. http://www.frauenstadtarchiv.de/fsa-dresden_broschuere-truemmerfrauen.pdf [zurück]

Events around May Day

Libertärer 1.Mai und Veranstaltungen drumherum

„FAU – Solikneipe“ Dresden (Solidarity Bar of the local anarchosyndicalist workers union): Film and Discussion

    Equal Pay, Patriarchy and Capitalism

Film „Made in Dagenham“ (113min., in german, with english subtitles if needed) about a strike of British seamstresses, which led to the first law on equal pay between men and women (Equal Pay Act 1970). Afterwards open discussion with short input (by e*vibes) about gender pay gap, patriarchy and capitalism.
As always at FAU-Solikneipe: starting 8pm, drinks for donation, nice music and unionist advice. All gains benefit the union work of FAU Dresden. Currently this is about a labour conflict in Chemnitz, the strike at „Trotzdem“ (Bar in Dresden), the buildup of a section for education and science and of an office.

8:30pm: Last update for the demonstration 1st of may in Dresden
8:45pm: Film and Discussion
Location: Wums e.V., Columbusstraße 2, Dresden-Löbtau


Libertarian (i.s.o.anarchist) May Day demonstration „Defend free unionization! Resolute – solidary – every day (appeal only in german, sorry)
starting 12am at Theaterplatz, going off Theaterplatz 1:30pm


„Who becomes workless through crisis has time to…
wash dishes, care for grandma, clean the toilet, do the dusting,
go shopping, discuss, submit applications, educate oneself,
ruin, stagnate, revolutionate,
eat crisps, typewrite minutes, do one-euro jobs.
But, i mean …what the fuck is this?“

couch potato

sofas and crisps
on the Day of the Workless

Sit down or keep standing. Enjoy potato crisps. On occasion of today’s Day of the Workless (May 2nd) you‘re invited to contemplate deeply on the topic ‚work‘.

starts 3pm, ends 6pm
at Artesischer Brunnen (artesic fountain) at Albertplatz
facebook event

[a cooperation of people from Allgemeines Syndikat Dresden/FAU (local anarchosyndicalist workers union) and from the group e*vibes – for an emancipatory practice]

Documentation of the event on FIFA men*’s World Cup in Brazil

On April 14 the event about this year’s World Cup in Brazil took place, which is documented hereby: [audio recording] (lecture in English)
Therein you find just fragments of the presented videos. Here you can have a look on them in a complete form:
the first video
the second video
the third video
the fourth video
If you plan to do something on this topic, you can write us – if we can help with forwarding information we‘d be willing to.

Brazil and the FIFA Men´s World Cup

What do you imagine when someone says ‘Brazil’? Carnaval, sunny beaches and soccer?

Very well – because of this wide spread reputation of Brazil’s as a football/soccer nation you wouldn’t be surprised that it will host the FIFA World Cup this summer.

But what could surprise you, are disturbing facts surrounding this event: about 30 billion US dollars spended by the Brazilian government for the preparations of the event in a situation of poor health care, public education, public transportation etc. More than 250 thousand persons were evicted from their homes. And FIFA, which expects billions of dollars profit from the event, won’t have to pay any taxes.

The majority of Brazilians can see the absurdity of all this and prepare themselves to protest. But the state is aware of this and mobilizes police forces, considering protesters as terrorists.
Probably there will be many badly injured or even dead protesters in time of the event. How FIFA security counselor Andre Pruis stated to the journalists, the rubber bullets are considered as „low level of action“:
„It hurts, but what are police going to do? Use a pea shooter? Or water cannons? It doesn’t work up to a point.“ “You have to disperse them.”

We shouldn’t ignore what is going on even so far away from us. We should do something about it! Let’s meet and talk about the World Cup, the situation in Brazil and possibilities of supporting our Brazilian comrades.

Monday, April 14th, starting 7pm
kosmotique, Martin-Luther-Straße 13

Our weapon is solidarity!

The presentation will be given by Maria from Prague, who spent some time in Brazil recently and got to know anarchist and libertarians there, as well as the new protest movement emerging there now.


+++Tickets for the Bus which is going to the International Womens Day Demonstration+++

We wanna go to the demonstraion which will take place in Berlin. If you wanna join us you can buy tickets at the book store „König Kurt“ (AZ Conni, Dresden).
The tickets will cost between 5 and 15€ and the bus will leave @9.30h from the train station „Bahnhof Neustadt“ (Hansastraße).

More information..

Can Femen save their hide?

During a camp that had been organised by us, we met two people who were out on a walk. They wanted to know what kind of event it was. When we told them that it was a »feminist camp» the elderly man* immediately knew what we were talking about »Oh, you are those who get undressed all the time?«
When it seems that Femen start to surpass Alice Schwarzer as personification of »the« feminism and if the term »Femen» is googled more often than »feminism«i we as feminists are obliged to carry on spending time on this grouping. It hurts to be put under the same umbrella with them. But why is it so striking that they are called feminists? In our days there are so many »feminisms« why should they not exist on an equal footing and/or complement each other? Maybe we are just looking jealously at their growing fandom, their public relations work and connected with it, their possibility to exert influence. Perhaps we are even jealous of their courage to get undressed in public. Perhaps we can‘t stand that in regard of Femen’s success it makes no difference weather we show solidarity with them or not. Or maybe, especially because of certain parallels to our political work, it peeves us time and again when they are completely off the mark one more time– and this under the label of »feminism«The more similarity exists the stronger the need for differentiation grows; a note of this insight can surely be noted in the following description.
Concerning the question about the »feminist content« of Femen it is not helpful to take the respective self-descriptions »I am feminist« or intentions like »I fight for the rights of women*« as an indication. In contrast to extensive conspiracy theories we do not see any reason to doubt that Femen have this intention. But you can’t do other than looking beyond this intention if the term »feminism« should not become meaningless. If you want to work against this arbitrariness you have to fight for the label. Concerning this our yardstick is: In what sense do Femen promote – in fact or at least potentially – the liberation of women*?

Femen was officially founded in Kiev by Alexandra »Sasha« Shevchenko, Oksana Shatchko and Anna Hutsol in April 2008. The latter appears as leader of the group. Unofficial mastermind and real founder of the idea »Femen« is Viktor Swjazkij, political advisor from Odessa, born in Chmelnyzkyj (Western Ukraine). It is said that he did not only select the women* by their outer appearance but also weaned them from certain characteristics which were incompatible with political activism.ii Since the important role of Viktor became public, Femen deny that he still has a strong influence on their actions but claim to have won the battle against the »patriarch« Swajazkij iii. But it still seems as if he continued to be in “Femen’s entourage”, as just in July 2013 Femen announced that Swjazkij was beaten up in the open road.iv
According to their own statement Femen set themselves the task to fight against patriarchy in the form of »sex industry«, religious institutions and dictatorship(s).v In doing so the way of acting has changed during the last five years. Whereas in the beginning women* and men* protested together, men* were only allowed to participate in the background later on. When in the past they distributed leaflets and discussed with passers-by, this is regarded as ineffective now and mainly well planned, press effective photo shootings are preferred. Although in the beginning the protest was carried out in tight, pink clothing Femen started to protest bare-breasted in 2010. It can’t be said clearly when the nationalistic, traditional floral wreathes started decorating the heads of Femen.vi
Since 2011 Femen also exist outside the Ukraine. Beside feminist themes they had often been busy with local problems up to that time like for example the lack of warm water and public toilets in Kiev. Meanwhile the »new amazons« are an internationally acting group and describe themselves as a global movement of the »third millennium feminism«vii Especially in France where they are registered as organisation since September 2012 they are very active as well as in Germany where they were registered as association in July 2013.
But how autonomously these subgroups are really allowed to act? Not long ago Femen Belgium broke up, as they had »differing views concerning questions of the intern organisation as well as the international movement«.viii It is unknown to what extend there existed pressure from the side of the Femen-leaders. But obviously it was impossible to continue being active under the Femen label even in spite of these differing views. As it has been stated, the activists were going to »continue the fight in another way« and they stated as well that they did not have any regrets and that they had carried out all actions in an honest way.ix In addition to that even the few known facts about the inner structure of Femen create the appealing of a strictly hierarchical organisation. Almost always the same persons as e.g. Inna or Alexandra Shevchenko have their say. They travel to the different places for leading or controlling actions and to stand in the first line. But allegedly everyone may act in the second line. In the video »How to become a Femen sextremist« Inna shows the women* how to steel themselves »physically and mentally « in so called training camps. By means of synchronic facial expressions and trained behaviour patterns they want and are supposed to appropriate their bodies as a weapon and demonstrate unity and strength – corporate design, corporate identity. In doing so the collective enables them to master extreme situations, e.g. to cry as long as possible to the cameras with a face contorted with pain while being carried away by the police. This must not be confused with learning how to defend as self-determined woman* or making agreements for common acting. In contrary to that the system Femen is almost anti-emancipatory. The one who wants to join has to subordinate individual needs to existing contents and procedures.

Femen’s Images of Women*
Femen have a twin-track strategy:
a) their concern is to spread short, allegedly feminist messages as far as possible and
b) the allegedly prevailing image of women* (weak and in needy) are supposed to be broken down.
The target is to realise both by a strong media presence.

Strategy a) works as follows: Via photos and videos the public is put on guard by the naked breasts of the protagonists and reads the messagesx placed on the activist’s skin. To make their actions medially usable, Femen use and reproduce the general sexualisation of female* bodiesxi. Although the rehearsing of synchronic performances leads to a certain influence on the medially produced pictures of strength and impregnability, it gives no control over their reception.xii Beside the reproduction of heteronormative ideals of beautyxiii the reduction to »naked boobs« can also be found in many comments under the photos of their actions: One example: »I like boobs but please no politic with naked pugs, run through the streets, post your photos, but without politic.« At present no one will be able to make a statement about the politicizing effect Femen’s “disturbing” breast messages might have on the recipients. But Femen insist that it is more powerful than the structural reduction of naked women* to sex objects.xiv If someone would really want to deal with the topic in addition to the three or five words he_she will not get any information from Femen, as they do not underpin the short messages with secondary information. For this a differentiated discussion about feminist themes would have to take place. Instead of this the themes are just adapted and exploited publicly in a rather superficial way. In an interview the former self-defence teacher of Femen-France Laura-May said: »…what Femen say is not what they do. « Lyse Bonconseil (pseudonym) associates with this statement: »…Femen used the gay issue in France to attack the church. But Femen members themselves made homophobic jokes and discriminated against the lesbians. And when these women left, they said that they were fat anyway. «xv
All in all you can say: The largest possible spreading of short messages [part a) of the strategy] works out quite well, whereby the feministic content as well as the effect claimed by them remains questionable.
In how far the breaking down of prevailing images of women* [part b) of the strategy] can work remains unclear, not at least because Femen’s idea of these models fails to recognise exactly these models. In contrary to actions of, for example Pussy Riot, hegemonic images of femininity are not broken down but tend to be increased. Femen who describe themselves as »normal women*« seek to escape the »general« image of women* which is perceived by them as »needy«.xvi But the truth is that, with their staging of »femininity« they improve the demands women* must meet already now anyway: being strong, independent, autonomous and sexy and despite of multiple stress factors in job, every day life and family able to manage everything. They are fighting against an image of women* which is, at least in Western Europe, tending to be antiquated. Even if the reality of life for women* in Ukraine differs from that in Western Europe there are the same (medial) pictures, on which people align themselves.
As Femen state, the situation of women* in Ukraine was the reason to choose exactly this form of action. They say that in Ukraine it is impossible to be heard as women or to make feminist politic without getting undressed.xvii But nevertheless there are other approaches to feminist protest, also in Ukraine, like e.g. the group Feminist Ofensyva.xviii The image of women* Femen create in the general public by their populist argumentation as well as by their lack in content and their resistance concerning criticism unfortunately tends to be an image of women*, who are able to be brave and strong but not clever and sharp-witted.

Femen in Action
An action, we sharply criticized in public took place in the red-light district of Hamburg on the 26th of January 2013.xix With slogans like »Arbeit macht frei « (work liberates), »Stop Sex Slavery« and torches they protested without meeting the needs and interests of sex-workers. One of the sex-workers commented the action as follows: »I am here voluntarily. They are just prostituting themselves«.xx But here the problem was not only the lack of interest in »their« political subjects but also the playing down of fascism and Shoa. Even in retrospect Alexandra Shevchenko is sure, despite of the massive critique that »Especially the Germans ought to understand that prostitution and fascism must be equated. « xxi Further serious errors are the incorrect use of the terms »prostitution» and »slavery« as well as the inadmissible equation of sex work and human trafficking for sexual exploitation. »Forced prostitution« is a crime, sex work a profession that was legalized in Germany only in 2002. It is necessary to discuss whether this led to an improvement of the situation of sex workers and a combating of the so called “whore stigma” xxii or not. Femen ignore the voices of sex-workers, who shape their lives on their own and who are capable of acting and making decisions and who talk about »voluntariness of their vocational choice« despite of all societal circumstances.xxiii People who are affected by human trafficking who are sexually exploited do not »prostitute themselves« but are victims of mass rape for commercial purposes.xxiv But Alexandra Shevchenko rejects the term »sex work« and states in an undifferentiated manner »Prostitution is no work«.xxv
Femen even do not follow their own logic – they neither demand a right of residence for people affected by human trafficking or a decent protection of affected persons, nor do they network with them and their supporters. xxvi

Another great theme for Femen is their fight against patriarchate in form of religious institutions. As an example for it we want to cite their activities to »free« Muslim women* from traditional role (allocations) and moral values. When the Tunisian Femen activist Amina Tyler had published a topless self-portrait and was arrested later, Femen started a campaign against Islam. Actions like »Topless Jihad Day« and the naked protest in front of the Justice Palace in Tunis with the demand to free Amina Tyler caused a huge wave of criticism worldwide beside a lot of solidarity with the arrested Amina Tyler. Feminists with different backgrounds called attention to the fact that Femen neither could nor should speak for them. They protested e.g. in different networksxxvii and criticized them as insulting, imperialistic, colonial, racist, Islam phobic and paternalistic and as well as not complex enough concerning the presentation of the many different situations women* in Islamic shaped countries can be in – the colonial feminist rhetoric of Femen would characterize Muslim women* as women* who are generally suppressed by culture and religion. The critics on #MuslimahPride state that the right to be naked is no guarantee for freedom and women’s* rights.
Femen kept their position unchanged and even formulated more drastically that Muslim women* with headscarves are slaves who have to be liberated and that the headscarf can be compared with a concentration campxxviii and their Muslim critics would not know the difference between freedom and bondage and suffer from the Stockhom syndrome.xxix
Not every criticism that concerns sexist oppression legitimated by the Islam can generally be swept away as »Islamophobic«. There is no doubt that from a feminist perspective there is a need of criticising religion, also including Islam and to deal with themes like the headscarf and to fight vehemently against religious constraints. In the field of the German speaking left wing this happens too cautiously or even not at all, as quite often no distinction is made between a needed criticism and »Islam phobia«, anti-Muslim resentments or racism. Therefore the Femen’s actions happened; to certain extend in a kind of Islam phobic vacuum. Nevertheless the harsh criticism of the actions or statements Femen made so far concerning this theme,describing Muslim women* as pathologically inhibited and patronised are justified. If you ask women* to put their headscarf off and in the case of non-compliance you reproach them for endorsing their own oppression you are far away from a well-founded religion criticism which would have to understand the societal function of religion and the power structures based on these structures and to explain a behaviour caused by it.
To us, opposing Femen’s actions for the above mentioned reasons does not automatically make us lean back in a culture-relativistic way. It is important for us to be solidly with women* living in Islam(ist)ic states, who criticize their religion or culture as being misogynist, for whom a public showing of nudity is emancipating and/or who want to change social conditions. Their fight for human rights has to be promoted. But this promotion only works if it goes together with sensibility concerning paternalistic and/or postcolonial behaviour, with appreciation towards local feministic fights as well as the needs of the women* concerned.
Femen would have done a favour to themselves and to »their« political subjects if they had asked broad local networks how they could be useful to them before starting the actions. But the way of their so called solidarity shows a clear denial of solidarity with the persons concerned. xxx

All against Femen? Criticism of the Criticism of Femen
Meanwhile a common Femen-bashing came up, that enables the various critics (like us) to fade out all kind of self-criticism. In view of the common enemy Femen our discrepancies can be put into the background. The feminist scene should not choose this easy way. Quite often you can hear that »we as women*« or »we as feminsts« should not maul each other, but concentrate on the common enemy, the patriarchate. But we all don’t want the same thing, neither concerning the pros nor the cons.
Especially also outside feminist circles there have been and still are anti-Femen protests as well as animosities. We strictly reject any sexist and racist comments under their photos as well as any violent attacks. It partly sucks in a way that we ask ourselves whether a complete break down of solidarity with Femen activists is proportionate – if e.g. their trainings centre burns down or they are beaten up in the street.
Femen brought in »feminist« themes to the public perception – and they really must be given credit for that-. By this other feministic groups could and can profit from this perception and take their own themes to the public sphere – for example the spreading of critical texts concerning Femen’s actions, which are also received by Femen-fans. Our group as well has become better known by the confrontation with Femen.
Furthermore, the local starting point of the organisation should be remembered when Femen are criticised, which is not always the case. Maybe it made sense to the founders to take up the discourses of the second wave of feminism in a climate of backlash of conservative gender roles as it existed in the post-Soviet Ukraine. But concerning the export to other religions an adaption would have been necessary. When e.g. their »ethnocentrism« is criticised their origin in the periphery of Europe should be taken into consideration. But nevertheless the benchmark of criticism should be their statements and not their »descent«.
But there is still another point which is questionable with regard to the criticism of Femen from the feministic point of view. The criticism of Femen is quite often an argument about Femen’s reproduction of current ideals of beauty. Body sizes are exceedingly rated. We want to bring into consideration that Femen activists as well as their critics are people who live in a society where painful standard-setting processes have an effect. Is it a crime to correspond to these ideals of beauty and to use it? Would it still be standards if not everyone – even if spurning – would have to be in line with them? The problem is not the fact that some people quicken a strong public interest (and especially not the outer appearance of these people) but that not everyone can do it in the same way. By focussing on the body of Femen members certain existing societal structures become clear and get manifested, also by criticising them. We believe it is important that the criticism of Femen should much more have the character of a discussion concerning the contents.

And what are we going to do with it now?
Femen are a prime example for illustrating the negative consequences of actionism which is likely to be seen in left or radical left and/or feminist circles. Femen are on the point of succumbing to incessant activities which is likely to seem as the delusional attempt to be busy. Probably for not being urged to ask themselves about the real effectiveness of the own activity in regard of a certain purpose or its precise delimitation respectively its justification. One action is followed by the next the attention must not be disrupted. The strategy is more important than the goal but at the same time this unclear goal which has to be reached is used to justify the strategy. Or, in other words: The purpose justifies the means and the means are the purpose. Such a practise as an end in itself must fail. It can’t permit itself any question for the special feature of each single situation and the adequate means to improve it.
This kind of actionism is an expression of desperation about everything being terrible, without knowing what to do. The contact with the object of criticism gets lost. One sees oneself and the own influence on societal structures overly important while the influence of these structures on the own thoughts and actions is underestimated. Here you can just react with the challenge to yourself to take the »almost insoluble task « seriously to » avoid being made stupid neither by the power of the others nor by the own powerlessness. « (Adorno, Minima Moralia). With everything written so far, the question resonates if it is not worse spreading
Femen- like populisms instead of not making certain questions a subject of discussion at all. In the assessment of the previous Femen-actions a negative stock must be taken. Although traditionally feminist themes are – somehow – publicised but, as stated earlier, emancipatory efforts are impeded. But in this context we should ask ourselves in how far something has to be correctly and well thought-out before one may show feminist engagement in public. Or: how short statements which are easy to be understood can be made without being shortened. Criticising the shortened statements of Femen does not mean a general exclusion of short, succinct and media effective statements. Femen themselves show: There is another way: In the beginning of the year 2013 Femen protested on the Piazza San Pedro inter alia with the statement: »in gay we trust«xxxi against the homophobic statements of the then pope. Although we asses the consequences concerning gay rights as relatively low and take into account our general criticism of Femen actions it seems at least that it had no real negative impacts.
Summed up we criticise as already stated, inter alia the lack of discussion with feminist themes, the lack of a substantiated social criticism, their instrumentality of feminist themes for unclear goals and purposes, as well as their hierarchic structure. All this would not be that bad (as it can be changed and developed) if they were not completely ignorant concerning any kind of criticism. From our point of view this appears not only non-feminist, they even seem to counteract emancipatory efforts and block them. In regard of the question »can Femen still be rescued? « We can state that it can not be excluded that in future Femen will contribute to an emancipatory practise. A sensible response to critique however, which means a fundamental change of their practise, would be necessary. But maybe this is hindered again and again by their hierarchical structures. We continue to place our hope on those individuals who take off the blinkers, on those dissidents for whom the ranks at the Femen-frontline are likely to be too closed.

… is a feminist, sexism-critical group from Dresden, that organised the »e*camp against capitalism and its gender relations« and now really managed it to agree on a final version of this text.

This Article was published in the magazine „Phase 2″ #47 in January 2014

i http:/www.femen.info/femen-took-over-feminism/
ii [the women] do not have the needed strength of character. They even don’t desire to be strong. Despite of this they show submissiveness, have no backbone, are unpunctual and many other characteristics, which keep them from being political activists. This were the qualities I urgently had to teach them.” http://www.sueddeutsche.ce/kultur/enthuellungen-ueber-femen-putsch-der-gedemuetigten-1.1763684
iii “This film does not reveal anything it just shows the inner battle within Femen”, said Hutsol. “ The spectator sees the struggle of us women against one man and we are the winners” http://www.sueddeutsche.de/kultur/enthuellungen-.ueber-femen-putsch-der-gedemuetigten-1.1763684-2
iv http:/www.spiegel.de/politik/ausland/femen-und-wiktor-swjazki-wirbel-um-angeblichen-sche-a-920794.html
v http:/femen.org/en/about
vi The floral wreathes are a folkloristic symbol of Western Ukraine. Two decades after the collapse of the Soviet Union they are mainly used to show the delimitation from the soviet heritage – and from the Russian shaped east of the country. Look http://www.spiegel.de/politik/ausland/folklore-und-brauchtum-boomen-in-der-ukraine-a-837519.html
vii http://femen.info/femen-wer-sind-die-nackten-frauen-und-was-wollen-sie/
viii Belgium Femen group broke up on 9-11-13 http://diestandard.at/1378248777447/Belgische-Femen-Gruppe-löst-sich-auf
viiii See viii
x » Perhaps they are not the division who are interested in feministic themes. And if they see it, they see of course e.g. the naked breasts but they also see the message. And they start thinking about it…« Hellen Langhurst in »3nach9 « 06-14-2013. Radio Bremen TV
xi “They say that nakedness is a successful strategy that creates medial attention and on which the group has agreed on after some political discussions. They did not want to leave the power of disposition over bared breast to the patriarchate, that exploits female nakedness for capitalism”. Simon Brecht; Peta für Frauen. In Jungle World No. 8, 21st February 2013 http://jungle-world.com/artikel/2013/08/47119.html
xii »We regain our bodies. It is like a weapon« Klara says. »We use our bodies for feministic resistance «. They would always ensure to appear strong and dangerous to destroy the stereotype of the passive, helpless woman that is often used by the advertisement […]. Simon Brecht: Peta für Frauen. In: Jungle World No. 8, 21st February 2013 http://jungle-world.com/artikel/013/08/47199.html
xiii But it is problematical that their self-staging always reproduces images of women that correspond with the heteronormative ideals of beauty.” See. Simon Brecht: Peta für Frauen. In: Jungle World No. 8, 21st February 2013 http://jungle-world.com/artikel/013/08/47199.html
xiv Josephine Witt from Femen ignores the objectifications from outside: “men will just stare at our boobs and not understand what we’re really doing, and I don’t believe that. Men are way more intelligent than that.” (Luise Flavel: INSIDE FEMEN .interview with Josephine Femen activis. In Lip, 18th June 2013 http:77lipmag.com/inside-femen-interview-with-josephine-femen-activist/)
xv Conrad Steenkamp: Femen: From enthusiasm to disenchantment. In: Tought Leader (Blog) 26th July 2013 Http://www.thoughtleader.co.za/conradsteenkamp/2013/07/26/femen-from-enthusiasm-to-disenchantment/
xvi “The society wants to see beautiful submissive women who are only presented in a highly sexualized way and who are in need of help. But we are not like that.” Zana in http://www.vice.com/de/read/auch-femen-aktivistinnen-haben-cellulite-und-haengetitten/?utm_source=vicefb
xvii “Many chriticize us for out methods, calling them too extravagant and immoral“, says FEMEN activist Galina Szanskaya, “But we understand that this is the only way to be heard in this country. If we staged simple protests with banners, then our claims would not have been noticed”. In: “Ukraine is not a bordello”. http://rt.com/news/ukraine-femen-sex-tourism/ 12-14-2009
xviii See the interesting interview with Anna Khvyl „ It is important not only to react“. In: Jungle WorldNo16 18th April 2013. The representative of Feminist Ofensyva also talks about Femen: “ There was just one meeting with Femen. We had invited the group to one of our conferences. One representative really appeared at the discussion, but after five minutes she disappeared without having said a single word. The relationship with Femen is ambivalent as they avoid the contact with us and other feministic organisations in the country. I for myself think that it is problematically that despite they call themselves feminist from time to time, but block out an exchange about their work of their point of view and doing so they avoid a professional discussion. [..]”Further on there is the ChCGI (Institute for Gender Studies in Charkov) where a real good article about FEMEN was published in the institute’s magazine: Marija Dimtrieva: Radikal’nyj eksgibicionizm [radical exhibitionism], in:Gendernye issiedovanija, Nr. 20/21 (2010), p. 394-409; URL: http://www. gender.univer.kharkov.ua/gurnal/20-21/26.pdf
xix Open letter to Femen Germany 01-29-2013 http://evibes.blogsport.de/2013/01/29/offener-brief-an-femen-germany/
xx Steffi Fetz, Femen-scream in Herbertstraße. Die Zeit 26th of January 2013 http:77www.zeit.de/gesellschaft/zeitgeschehen/2013-01/femen-herbertstrasse-protest
xxi Who does not need FEMEN.: People affected by human trafficking and sex-workers, human trafficking today. Critical online magazine against expoloitation. 31st of January 2013 http://menschenhandelheute.net/203/01/31/wer-femen-nicht-braucht-betroffene-von-menschenhandel-und-sexarbeiter_innen/
xxii To this Hydra e.V.: “[We advocate] that everyone can decide voluntarily whether she/he works in the field of sex work or not and when she/he stops doing it. For reaching this it is especially important to get rid of the societal whore stigma. It is this stigma that makes it difficult for women and men who had been working in the field of sex work to start with another profession because sex work is not regarded as qualified, qualifying and valuable work. Sex work in the curriculum vitae is rather an obstacle for a carrier in other branches of business. http://www.hydra-berlin.de/ueber_uns/ziele_von_hydra/ Some demands of Hydra can be found under http://www.hydra-berlin.de/ueber_uns/ziele_von_hydra/
xxiii “Prostitution is a profession, something done voluntarily. If it is not done voluntarily it is no prostitution but a crime.” Sex worker Marleen on the 15th of December 2012 http://www.taz.de/!107465
xxiv Organisations of affected people propose not to use the term of »forced prostitution« any more. Human trafficking and prostitution are no more to be regarded as synonyms. Prostitution (ProstG) and human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation (StGB §232) are very different facts and acts. This applies especially for Germany. /Who does not need FEMEN: People affected by human trafficking and sex workers. In: Human Trafficking today. Critical online magazine against exploitation. 31st of January 2013 http://menschenhandelheute.net/2013/31/wer-femen-nicht-braucht-betroffene-von-menschenhandel-und-sexarbeiter_innen/
xxv Simon Brecht: Peta for women. In: Jungle World No. 8, 21st February 2013-11-15 http://jungle worl.com/artikel/2013/08/47199 html
xxvi “Therefore sex workers don’t need FEMEN, because FEMEN declare sex workers incapable, describe them as objects and possession in spite of citizens with rights and justified political demands.” “ FEMEN even regards the self organisation of sex workers as non justified, as they represent, according to FEMEN the “fascist sex industry”. Those who don’t need Femen: People affected by human trafficking and sex workers, human trafficking today. Critical Onlinemagazine against exploitation. 31st of January 2013 http://menschenhandelheute.net/2013/01/31/wer-femen-nicht-braucht-betroffene-von-menschenhandel-und-sexarbeiter_innen/
xxvii On Twitter with the Hashtag #MuslimaPride and in the Facebook group »Muslim Women Against Femen«
xxviii Cigdem Akyol: » you don’t have to free me«. Femen activists demonstrated for women’s rights – as well for those of Islamic women. Some Muslim women feel patronized and fend off. In:taz, 24th April 2013 data got 25th August 2013, http://www.taz.de/!115330
xxix Cigdem Akyol: »We forgive her« Femen-founder about the withdrawal of Amina. Interview with Alexandra Shevhenko, in: taz, 21st of August 2013 http://www.taz.de/Femen-Gruenderin-ueber-Aminas-Austritt/! 122270/
xxx »Their activism often shows a lack of knowledge or even worse: a lack of interest in the subjects they want to speak up for « EXIT FEMEN about FEMEN on their Facebook page https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=3&theater
xxxi http://www.thebaze.com/stories/2013/01/13/in-gay-we-trust-women-go-topless-in-front-of-the-ope-in-gay-rights-protest/